The Husainid
dynasty of Tunis is of Cretan origin, though it is
difficult to establish if their ethnic origins are Greek
or Turkish. The ancestor of the dynasty, 'Ali al-Turki,
took military service in the Janissary Corps under the
Turkish Deys of Tunis. His younger son Husain seized
power in 1705, after a period of struggle between various
factions of the Turkish militia forces. He eventually
defeated the Algerians and consolidated power. Two years
later he was recognised as Ottoman Viceroy of Ifriqiya.
After a period of dynastic rivalry, the descendants of
Husain established control in 1756 and have provided the
heads of the Beylical dynasty ever since.
Tunis enjoyed almost full local autonomy within the
Turkish Empire, owing only nominal allegiance to the
Sultan. Ottoman control was so limited that the European
powers even went so far as to negotiate and sign treaties
with the Husainid Beys, independent of Istanbul. European
involvement in Tunisian affairs had been brought about by
the local tradition of raiding Mediterranean trading
vessels and islands for slaves and booty. Several British
and Franch naval expeditions eventually forced the Beys
to rein in their adventurous subjects.
Ahmad Pasha-Bey, who acceded in 1837, began a reign of
reform and modernisation along European lines. He
reformed the army and administration, established modern
schools and hospitals, and established a system of relief
for the poor. He closed the slave market in Tunis in
August 1841, declared anyone born in his domains to be
free in the following year, and freed all remaining
slaves in 1846. He travelled to France and employed
European advisors and instructors.
Muhammad Pasha-Bey, who succeeded Ahmad in 1855,
established the first Constitution known as the
Fundamental Pact in 1857. This reformed the government
and brought in a measure of representation and
constitutional monarchy.
Muhammad as-Sadiq Pasha-Bey succeeded in 1859, continuing
the reforming policies of his brother. The 1857 Pact was
replaced by a new constitution, which confirmed and
advanced his predecessors' reforms. Cabinet government
was established, though most appointees tended to be mamluks
of European or Caucasian origin, rather than local
Tunisian Arabs. He was able to extract a firman
from the Turkish Sultan, which finally recognised
hereditary rule by the Husainid family. By 1871, the
Porte had virtually recognised the independence of
Tunisia.
The Bey's financial administration proved unequal to the
task of meeting the increased levels of expenditure
demanded by his extensive building and modernization
programmes. Inefficient and corrupt financial
administrators, and poor accounting methods made matters
worse. Large loans were borrowed from Tunisian and
foreign traders, frequently at exorbitant rates of
interest. Gradually, the country descended into debt and
a severe financial crisis loomed. The European powers,
egged on by baying creditors, became increasingly anxious
and demanded greater control over the national debt.
Although an International Financial Commission was
established at the behest of the Europeans in 1877, it
failed to resolve most of the problems. As a consequence
of a further debt crises, the French threatened the Bey
into accepting a protectorate. After some hesitation, he
caved in and signed the Treaty of Bardo at Kassar Said on
12th May 1881. Thereafter, France ruled
through a Resident-General who was supposed to exercise
influence over external relations, military affairs and
the national debt. The last, in effect, enabled him to
interfere in almost all aspects of financial
administration, through which he controlled almost the
entire governmental and administrative regime. Within a
few years a parallel administration emerged, staffed by
French officials who left the Tunisian ministers and
officials with little real power. This system prevailed
until the Second World War, though not without periodic
opposition from local nationalist groups.
The German defeat of France brought profound changes to
the relationship with Tunisia and her ruler. Nationalist
forces were buoyed by the prospect of freeing the
country, though they often mistook German and Italian
"help", as genuine support for independence.
The Axis forces invaded the Tunisia, two years later.
Munsif Pasha-Bey acceded to the Beylical throne in 1942
and became the focus of nationalist aspirations. He
attempted to free himself from French control by
demanding sweeping changes and reforms from the Vichy
government. Their failure to respond prompted him to
instigate reforms himself and to set up a government
which, with widespread popular support, increasingly
ignored the French administration. The defeat of the
Nazis in North Africa allowed the Free French forces to
quickly regain control over the Empire. Apprehensive
about Moncef Bey's reforms, they charged him with
collaborating with the Axis powers and obtained the
support of the Allies for his removal. He was deposed and
exiled, first to the Algerian desert, and eventually to
Pau in France.
Muhammad al-Amin [Lamine] Pasha-Bey, succeded his deposed
cousin, proving to be a more cautious though no less
compliant successor. He prorogued a nationwide assembly,
known as Le Conseil des Quarante, to represent
virtually all, social and political groups within the
country. In 1950 he appointed a reform oriented Cabinet
of Ministers headed by Chenik. Passive resistance became
the order of the day when the decrees proposed by the
French Resident-General for formal approval were refused.
The French retaliated by arresting the Prime Minister and
several Ministers, including Lamine Bey's son-in-law, and
exiling them to the south. Stalemate was broken when the
unpopular Resident-General, Jean de Hauteclocque, was
recalled in 1953. The French Premier, Pierre
Mendes-France, visited Tunis in the following year and
acknowledged full autonomy in internal affairs. The
protectorate continued as such for less than two years,
after which the country was proclaimed an independent
kingdom on 20th March 1956.
Elections were held within a month, but the process was
far from 'free and fair'. The Neo-Destour Party ensured,
through intimidation and threats, that they would control
the National Assembly. Unsurprisingly, the newly elected
parliament was almost entirely made-up of Neo-Destour
deputies and their allies, leaving the Bey no choice but
to appoint their leader as Prime Minister. Habib
Bourguiba, though an undoubted nationalist and moderniser
who wished the best for his country, was also highly
temperamental and given to bouts of suspicion and intense
megalomania. At first, he seemed to be supportive of the
monarchy, but soon realised that a constitutional
monarchy could place limits on his powers. He could brook
no opposition or even differences of opinion from anyone
around him, so quickly began to campaign against what he
perceived as a potential threat. He took control of the
Defence and Foreign Affairs portfolios, in addition to
those of Prime Minister and President of the Council.
Thus, arrogating to himself the same phalanx of powers
previously held by the detested French Resident-General.
Fifteen months after independence, Neo-Destour party
members, and their associated intellectuals and deputies,
began attacking the monarchy in the press and in the
National Assembly. On 15th July 1957,
Bourbuiba ordered that the Royal Guard at Carthage Palace
be replaced by soldiers loyal to him, the telephones cut
and the Royal Family placed under virtual house arrest.
He then arrested or detained several opponents on
trumped-up charges, including certain prominent members
of the Royal Family. Ten days later the National
Assembly, in a supposed act of democracy, was dragooned
into voting for the abolition of the monarchy. The
republic was then proclaimed amidst some degree of
confusion on the 25th July 1957.
After his deposition, the King was removed to modest
accommodation in Manouba, later a women's prison, and was
later transferred to a farm at La Soukra. He lived there
with his wife under a form of house arrest, refused
permission to attend even the funeral of his own
daughter. After the death of his wife, he was eventually
allowed to reside in a modest apartment in Tunis. During
his last days, he would remain a familiar figure going
out for an occasional constitutional, chatting to passers
by and distributing sweets to children. On his death in
1962 he was buried at La Marsa, having elected to lie
beside his departed wife, rather than the great Mausoleum
of the Husainids in Tunis.
STYLES & TITLES:
The Sovereign (1) after 1956: Sayyiduna wa Maulana (reign
name), King of Tunisia, with the style of HisMajesty.
(2) before 1956: Sayyiduna wa Maulana (reignname)
Pasha Bey, Sahib al-Mamlakat at-Tunussia,
translated as Bey and Possessor of the Kingdom of Tunis,
with the style of His Highness.
The Heir Apparent (1) after 1956: Crown Prince of
Tunisia, with the style of His Royal Highness. (2)
before 1956:Prince Sidi (personalname)
Bey, Bey al-Mahalla, with the style of His
Highness.
The Heir Presumptive: Prince Sidi (personalname) Bey, Bey al-Taula.
The sons and other male descendants of the sovereign, in
the male line: Prince Sidi (personalname)
Bey*.
The daughters and female descendants of the sovereign, in
the male line: Princess Lalla (personalname).
*some members of the family also use the style of Royal
Highness, though this was not formally established by
decree of the sovereign.
RULES OF SUCCESSION:
Male primogeniture. The eldest surviving male in the
family, succeeding on the death of his predecessor.
SPECIAL ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:
H.R.H. Prince Fayçal Bey
H.R.H. Prince Karim Bey
H.R.H. Prince Malek Bey
H.R.H. Prince Rafet Bey
H.R.H. Prince Torhane Bey.
Maher Ben Miled.
Dr.
Morris L. Bierbrier, FSA.
Colette Gailliegue
David Williamson.
Notes:
Many of the published sources dealing with the Hussanid
dynasty should be treated with a great deal of caution.
Burke's and Öztuna are both severely contaminated by the
false information published by the charlatan pretender,
Rachad al-Mahdi. They contain his invented ancestors and
utterly spurious family lines, fictitious deaths, bogus
spouses, false decorations, rules of succession, places
of birth, death and marriage and a host of other
misleading information. The dates and names given in
Grandchamp, hitherto accepted as an authority, frequently
fail to tally with the rolls of succession published in
the semi-official Annuaire Tunisien. Even Darghouth is
wrong on dates and chronology. Despite his marriage to a
daughter of Ahmad Pasha, he lists the daughters, then
fails to mention which one he wed!
I am immensely grateful to H.R.H. Prince Fayçal Bey for
the painstaking help, patience and support, without
which, all these errors could not have been eliminated
from the genealogy. My thanks are also extended to Dr.
Morris Bierbrier, and to several members of the Beylical
and related families for all their assistence.